Q&A: How might the US-Israel attacks on Iran reshape the region?

In a series of coordinated attacks, the United States and Israel have “decapitated” the Iranian government by killing its leadership and devastating the country’s defense capabilities.

Philip Potter, professor of public policy at the University of Virginia’s Frank Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy and director of the National Security Data and Policy Institute, says the military action may be “resetting the table.” He agreed to answer questions a few days after the military action began.

Q. The administration says this incursion will take five to six weeks. Do you agree?

A. It depends on the objective. That’s about the operational time that would be required for the military to clear out Iranian air defenses and hit the high-value targets. The military will have an operational plan and a list of targetable assets. They’re going to roll down that list and they know how about long that’s going to take.

The conflict could end more quickly if the Iranian leadership decides to capitulate. And it could go longer if the Trump administration decides that regime change is the ultimate objective. I suspect that, given what we have seen from the administration so far, they are not going to be willing to put boots on the ground, and it could be difficult to dislodge the regime without that.

Portrait of Philip Potter

Philip Potter says the current clash is an extension of the Israeli concept of “mowing the grass,” sharp military operations that reduce capabilities and deter future attacks. (Photo by Matt Riley, University Communications)

Q. Did the Iranians see this coming?

A. We’ve been telegraphing the possibility for a while. That said, while the Iranian regime probably knew that this was a real possibility, there was not a great deal they could do to mitigate the damage and prepare. Prior engagements had already softened their air defenses and blunted their missile capabilities. And they clearly could not obscure where their top leadership was. That’s a huge problem.

Q. The Israelis have made some incursions into Lebanon in response to Iran-backed Hezbollah attacks. How will this affect the outcome?

A. I think the U.S. and Israelis have an appetite for resetting the table in the Middle East. There seems to be a sense that the uncertainty that will inevitably result from this engagement is preferable to the adversarial status quo that has persisted in one form or another since 1979. Simultaneously, there seems to be an idea that regardless of who’s running Iran, the U.S. and Israel will benefit from degrading their capabilities to the point that they are not relevant.

From the Israeli standpoint, Hezbollah is a very dangerous part of the Iranian network. They’ve already done a ton of damage to Hezbollah. I think the opportunity to go in and clean that out further is hard to resist. This is the extension of the Israeli concept of “mowing the grass” with sharp military operations that reduce capabilities and deter attacks. They’ve done this for a long time in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon.

U.S. decision-makers may also be thinking along these lines. Some of the commentary that’s come out seems to indicate perceived value in simply reducing the Iranian capacity to do us harm, even if the leadership of the country is ultimately no better than what came before. I don’t know if that’s going to work. The concern would be that it trades short-term gains for potentially long-term dangers.

Q. How are other Middle East countries reacting to the situation?

A. It turns out no one likes getting hit with missiles and UAVs. There’s evidence that the Iranians miscalculated. Popping off everywhere, all at once, is probably not a great strategy. Many countries in the region are now likely saying, “We weren’t excited about the Americans doing this, but now we’re in the fight because we’ve been targeted.” I would have thought that there would have been some prudence in the Iranians concentrating their fire on specific targets, hopes of punching through either Israeli or U.S. air bases. That lack of prudence could be a consequence of the decapitation of the leadership and the resulting loss of command and control.

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Q. How is Europe reacting?

A. If the U.S. continues to appear to be successful in this, many European nations, though not all, are going to continue to come along, at least on the surface. In the longer term, however, it will continue the ongoing erosion of trust within the alliance. There is a lot of concern about how unilateral U.S. action has been. The increasing normalization of, or even preference for, leadership decapitation is also something that I don’t know that we’re going to appreciate the long-term implications of.

Q. What do you see in the Middle East a year or two from now?

A. On one level, I have no idea, and I don’t believe anyone else does either. Operations of this magnitude unleash tremendous uncertainty and change. That said, some broad outlines seem possible. One is that we will be left with the remnants of the same, maybe more military than clerical, but it has capitulated and Iranian power is massively diminished. I don’t see the U.S. being willing to go in and fundamentally reshape the power base and institutions.

Q. And where does this leave Iran’s allies, China and Russia?

A. The Chinese will continue to bide their time, but increasingly, as a consequence of this, from a position of strength. It’s hard for the U.S. to claim the high road on territorial integrity. It’s also hard to defend places like Taiwan if we’ve already used up much of our military capability in other recent fights.

People tend to forget how much capability it takes to do something like this, and that’s got to be replenished. The longer China sits on its hands with Taiwan, the better its position seems to become, and the worse ours becomes.

With Russia, things are a little bit more complicated. I don’t think Iran is going to be sending a lot more drones to Russia anytime soon. But at the same time, the interceptors and missiles that are being used in Iran are highly coveted by Ukraine. Iran and the broader Middle East are parts of the world where Russia has, for a long time, considered itself to have influence and importance, but that is gone. There is increasing clarity that Russia and China are not necessarily the best friends to have, because they don’t actually help you when the chips are down.

Media Contacts

Matt Kelly

University News Associate Office of University Communications